Staff Perspective: LGB History in Psychology and the Military (Part 1)
Hi! I wanted to take a moment to introduce myself. My name is Sharon Ela Hana Birman; not many people know I have two middle names. I am middle child with one older brother and one younger brother. I am an aunt to a beautiful little girl named Abigail. I own a little white dog – he weighs 3 lbs, but makes up for his small size with his big personality. I work as a Clinical Psychologist and love my job. Oh yeah…. And I am straight.
As a straight woman, I have never really had to contemplate sharing my sexual orientation with others. I never wondered whether or not my parents would accept my sexual orientation, if I should share with my colleagues or should I tell the medical provider I just met moments ago. This is not the case for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual (LGB) individuals, who face the stress of coming out in a heterocentric society. The challenge of coming out is not a singular event and does not end after disclosure to immediate family and close friends. As an individual transverses different sectors of his or her complex system, the coming out process becomes a lifelong challenge in a heterosexist society. In therapy, it is our jobs to be culturally sensitive and supportive to deliver the best care possible.
Although coming out can be a risky process, it can also be one that is empowering. An LGB-affirmative therapist should support non-heterosexual clients as they work to navigate this journey in a manner that minimizes risk and maximizes empowerment. Before we can truly support our non-heterosexual clients, it is imperative that we obtain a deeper understanding of the history of heterocentrism that has been historically pervaded in society, across various institutions including legal, political, military, religious, as well as across the medical and mental health fields. In this blog, I will provide an overview of LGB history in the United States, the field of psychology and, in the upcoming second part, the military. Although an important topic in its own right, this blog does not address transgender and transsexual individuals, as treatment with these individuals should consider their unique experiences and concerns. The increasingly common addition of the “T” (transgender), “Q” (queer and/or questioning), and “I” (intersex) to the LGB is demonstrative of the conflation of sexual minority (and gender minority) concerns under a shared umbrella. As clinicians, it is important that we understand the differences between and within these communities (Gay and Lesbian Medical Association, n.d.; Ministerial Advisory Committee, 2009; Walker & Prince, 2010). For additional information on treating transgender clients in the military, please see our guest perspective blog written by Dr. Hsuehmei Pric.
Overview
Cultural heterosexism, i.e., the perpetuation of heterocentric beliefs by sociopolitical systems (Cahill et al., 2000; Herek, 1990; Pachankis & Goldfried, 2004), has pervaded U.S. history; the political, legal, judicial, economic and religious systems are just a few of the many systems that have had significant historical influence in this regard displaying heterosexist attitudes (Badgett, 1995; Herek, 1992). The historical context of non-heterosexual individuals cannot be accurately understood in a vacuum. In spite of the historical changes and advancements of the gay liberation movement, many non-heterosexual individuals continue to conceal their sexual identity, experience internalized heterosexism, and come to expect rejection from others.
LGB History in the United States
Stigma, discrimination, and homophobia characterize the history of the lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) community in the United States, and this remains true across active duty, Veteran, and civilian populations (Cahill, South, Spade, & National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 2000; Herek, 2007; Herek & Garnets, 2007; Willis, 2004). Historically, LGB individuals have been subjected to invasive psychiatric interventions, such as lobotomies, castration, and electroshock therapies, to treat their “deviant” behavior (Adams, 1995; Duberman, 1993). They have often been the targets of both legal and political harassment.
Decades of discrimination and harassment were finally brought to public awareness during the Stonewall riots of 1969, an event that marked the commencement of the gay liberation era (D’Emilio, 1983). This was the first documented event in which non-heterosexual individuals outwardly expressed their anger against law enforcement. In the years following the Stonewall riots, numerous gay activist organizations were established, including the Gay Liberation Front (GLF), the Gay Activists Alliance (GAA), the Society for Individual Rights (SIR), and the National Gay Task Force ([NGTF] Adam, 1995). Unfortunately, the human rights movement of the 1970s was met with the resurrection of anti-gay political views of the 1980s. These views, driven by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, were influenced by dogmatic religious principles (Adam, 1995). In 1986, the gay liberation movement suffered yet another setback after the Supreme Court ruling of Bowers v. Hardwick, in which the Supreme Court upheld the statute declaring it legal for the state to regulate private sexual behavior among its citizens. It was not until 2003, during the Supreme Court ruling of Lawrence v. Texas that sodomy laws were ruled unconstitutional (Herek, 2007).
LGB Individuals and the Field of Psychology
Same-sex attraction has been pathologized in the field of psychology throughout most of the 20th century. As early as 1905, Sigmund Freud, in Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, argued that normal sexual development would result in heterosexuality; thereby asserting that homosexuality is an illness (Herek & Garnets, 2007; Freud, 1905). Given that psychoanalysis was the dominant perspective in psychiatry throughout the mid-20th century, it is not surprising that the psychological theories were inundated with homophobic bias and the notion of homosexuality as pathological continued to permeate the field (Herek & Garnets, 2007; Robertson, 2004). Following the Freudian perspective of homosexuality, Irving Bieber and Charles Socarides, the most prominent experts on same-sex attraction during the 1960s, contended that homosexuality was a mental illness, attributing the cause to dysfunctional family dynamics (Kauth, 2006). The pathological view of same-sex attraction was further supported by the guidelines in the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-I, American Psychiatric Association, 1952). The DSM-I classified homosexuality as a “sociopathic personality disturbance” (APA, 1952, p. 38-39) along with substance abuse and sexual disorders, portraying non-heterosexual persons as possessing profound character deficiencies.
Subsequent efforts to eradicate the perception of same-sex attraction as an illness by gay-affirmative clinicians, such as Alfred Kinsey, Evelyn Hooker, and Wardell Pomeroy (Hooker, 1957; Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Robertson, 2004), the DSM-II, published in 1968, classified homosexuality as a sexual deviance clustered with fetishism, pedophilia, transvestitism, exhibitionism, voyeurism, sadism, and masochism (APA, 1968). Despite the efforts of these gay-affirmative clinicians, the 1970s was a decade characterized by treatment interventions focusing on the “cure” of same-sex attraction, utilizing treatment modalities such as covert sensitization, aversion therapy, electroshock therapy, drug and hormone injections, and electroconvulsive therapy (Callahan & Leitenberg, 1973; Robertson, 2004). Overall, research remained focused on the view of homosexuality as pathological and interventions were centered on treatment and prevention (Morin, 1977). Finally, in 1973, the APA Board of Directors voted to remove homosexuality from the DSM-II (Drescher, 2010; Herek & Garnets, 2007). Even still, the APA Position Statement was one of unenthusiastic support, stating: “…by no longer listing it as a psychiatric disorder we are not saying that it is ‘normal’ or as valuable as heterosexuality…” (APA, 1973, p. 2).
By 1980, the DSM-III introduced a new diagnosis of Ego-Dystonic Homosexuality, which replaced the previous categorization of Homosexuality as a sexual deviance (APA, 1980). Finally, the diagnosis was removed in the revised edition of the DSM-III and replaced with a diagnosis of Sexual Disorder Not Otherwise Specified (APA, 1987). This signified the movement towards a field that embraced affirmative therapies.
In the second part of this blog, coming soon, I will cover LGB individuals and the military.
Staff Perspective: LGB History in Psychology and the Military (Part 2)
Sharon Birman, Psy.D., is a CBT trainer working with the Military Training Programs at the Center for Deployment Psychology (CDP) at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences in Bethesda, Maryland.
REFERENCES
Adam, B. D. (1995). The rise of a gay and lesbian movement (Rev. ed.). New York, NY: Twayne.
Alford, B. & Lee, S.J. (2016). Toward complete inclusion: lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender military service members after repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. National Association of Social Workers. doi: 10.1093/sw/sww033
American Psychiatric Association. (1952). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders. Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychiatric Association. (1968). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (2nd ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychiatric Association. (1973). Homosexuality and sexual orientation disturbance: Proposed change in DSM-II (retired). Retrieved from www.psychiatryonline.com/DSMPDF/DSM-II_Homosexuality _Revision.pdf
American Psychiatric Association. (1980). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychiatric Association. (1987). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd ed., rev.). Washington, DC: Author.
Badgett, M. V. L. (1995). The wage effects of sexual orientation discrimination. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 48(4), 726-739. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2524353
Cahill, S., South, K., Spade, J., & National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. (2000). Outing age: Public policy issues affecting gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender elders. Washington, DC: Policy Institute of the National Gay and Lesbian Taskforce. Retrieved from http://www.thetaskforce.org/reports_and _research/outing_age
Callahan, E., & Leitenberg, H. (1973). Aversion therapy for sexual deviation: Contingent shock and covert sensitization. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 81(1), 60-73. doi:10.1037/h0034025
Cochran, S. D., Mays, V. M., & Sullivan, J. G. (2003). Prevalence of mental disorders, psychological distress, and mental health services use among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in the United States. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 71(1), 53-61. doi:10.1037/0022-006X.71.1.53
D’Emilio, J. (1983). Sexual politics, sexual communities: The making of a homosexual minority in the United States, 1940-1970 (2nd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Don’t Ask , Don’t Tell Repeal Act of 2010 (2010). Pub L. No 111-321, 124 Stat. 3513.
Drescher, J. (2010). Queer diagnoses: Parallels and contrasts in the history of homosexuality, gender variance, and the diagnostic and statistical manual. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 39(2), 427-460. doi:10.1007/s10508-009-9531-5
Duberman, M. B. (1993). Stonewall. New York, NY: Dutton.
Freud, S. (1905). Three essays on the theory of sexuality. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud, Volume VII (1901-1905): A case of hysteria, three essays on sexuality and other works (pp. 123-246). London, England: Imago.
Gay and Lesbian Medical Association. (n.d.) Creating a safe clinical environment for lesbian, gay. Bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) patients. Retrieved from http://www.glma.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=contentSearch.veritySearch&nodeID=1
Goldbach, J. T., & Castro, C. A. (2016). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) service members: Life after Don’t ask, Don’t tell. Current Psychiatry Reports, 18(6), 1-7. doi:10.1007/s11920-016-0695-0
Herek, G. (1990). The context of anti-gay violence: Notes on cultural and psychological heterosexism. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 5(3), 316-333. doi:10.1177/088626090005003006
Herek, G. (1992). The social context of hate crimes: Notes on cultural heterosexism. In K. Berrill & G. Herek (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men (pp. 89-104). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Herek, G. (2007). Confronting sexual stigma and prejudice: Theory and practice. Journal of Social Issues, 63(4), 905-925. doi: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2007.00544.x
Herek, G., & Garnets, L. (2007). Sexual orientation and mental health. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 3, 353-375. doi:10.1146/annurev.clinpsy.3.022806.091510
Hooker, E. (1957). The adjustment of the male overt homosexual. Journal of Projective Techniques, 21, 1, 18-31. doi: 10.1080/08853126.1957.10380742
Johnson, W., Rosenstein, J., Buhrke, R., & Haldeman, D. (2015). After "don't ask don't tell": Competent care of lesbian, gay and bisexual military personnel during the DoD policy transition. Professional Psychology-Research and Practice, 46(2), 107-115. doi:10.1037/a0033051
Jones, F.D. & Koshes, R.J. (1995). Homosexuality and the military. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 152, 16-21.
Kamarck, K.N. (2016). Diversity, inclusion and equal opportunity in the armed services: Background and issues for congress. Congressional Research Service. Retrieved from: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R44321.pdf
Kauth M. R. (2006). Sexual orientation and identity. In R. D. McAnulty & M. M. Burnette (Eds.), Sex and sexuality (pp. 153- 184). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., & Martin, C. E. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male. Philadelphia, PA: W.B. Saunders.
Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129(5), 674-697. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.674
Ministrial Advisory Committee on Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Health and Wellbeing, Department of Mental Health. (2009). Well Proud: A guide to gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex inclusive practice for health and human services. Retrieved from http://www.glhv.org.au/files/WellProud_updated2011.pdf
Morin, S. (1977). Heterosexual bias in psychological research on lesbianism and male homosexuality. American Psychologist, 32(8), 629-637. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.32.8.629.
Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness. (2016). DoD Instruction 1300.28: In-Service transition for transgender service members. Retrieved from: http://www.defense.gov/Portals/1/features/2016/0616_policy/DoD-Instructi...
Pachankis, J., & Goldfried, M. (2004). Clinical issues in working with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, Training, 41(3), 227-246. doi:10.1037/0033-3204.41.3.227
Robertson, P. K. (2004). The historical effects of depathologizing homosexuality on the practice of counseling. The Family Journal, 12(2), 163-169. doi:10.1177/1066480703261976
Walker, J. A., & Prince, T. (2010). Training considerations and suggested counseling interventions for LGBT individuals. Journal of LGBT Issues in Counseling, 4(1), 2-17. doi: 10.1080/15538600903552756
Willis, D. (2004). Hate crimes against gay males: An overview. Issues in Mental
Health Nursing, 25(2), 115-132. doi:10.1080/01612840490268090
Hi! I wanted to take a moment to introduce myself. My name is Sharon Ela Hana Birman; not many people know I have two middle names. I am middle child with one older brother and one younger brother. I am an aunt to a beautiful little girl named Abigail. I own a little white dog – he weighs 3 lbs, but makes up for his small size with his big personality. I work as a Clinical Psychologist and love my job. Oh yeah…. And I am straight.
As a straight woman, I have never really had to contemplate sharing my sexual orientation with others. I never wondered whether or not my parents would accept my sexual orientation, if I should share with my colleagues or should I tell the medical provider I just met moments ago. This is not the case for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual (LGB) individuals, who face the stress of coming out in a heterocentric society. The challenge of coming out is not a singular event and does not end after disclosure to immediate family and close friends. As an individual transverses different sectors of his or her complex system, the coming out process becomes a lifelong challenge in a heterosexist society. In therapy, it is our jobs to be culturally sensitive and supportive to deliver the best care possible.
Although coming out can be a risky process, it can also be one that is empowering. An LGB-affirmative therapist should support non-heterosexual clients as they work to navigate this journey in a manner that minimizes risk and maximizes empowerment. Before we can truly support our non-heterosexual clients, it is imperative that we obtain a deeper understanding of the history of heterocentrism that has been historically pervaded in society, across various institutions including legal, political, military, religious, as well as across the medical and mental health fields. In this blog, I will provide an overview of LGB history in the United States, the field of psychology and, in the upcoming second part, the military. Although an important topic in its own right, this blog does not address transgender and transsexual individuals, as treatment with these individuals should consider their unique experiences and concerns. The increasingly common addition of the “T” (transgender), “Q” (queer and/or questioning), and “I” (intersex) to the LGB is demonstrative of the conflation of sexual minority (and gender minority) concerns under a shared umbrella. As clinicians, it is important that we understand the differences between and within these communities (Gay and Lesbian Medical Association, n.d.; Ministerial Advisory Committee, 2009; Walker & Prince, 2010). For additional information on treating transgender clients in the military, please see our guest perspective blog written by Dr. Hsuehmei Pric.
Overview
Cultural heterosexism, i.e., the perpetuation of heterocentric beliefs by sociopolitical systems (Cahill et al., 2000; Herek, 1990; Pachankis & Goldfried, 2004), has pervaded U.S. history; the political, legal, judicial, economic and religious systems are just a few of the many systems that have had significant historical influence in this regard displaying heterosexist attitudes (Badgett, 1995; Herek, 1992). The historical context of non-heterosexual individuals cannot be accurately understood in a vacuum. In spite of the historical changes and advancements of the gay liberation movement, many non-heterosexual individuals continue to conceal their sexual identity, experience internalized heterosexism, and come to expect rejection from others.
LGB History in the United States
Stigma, discrimination, and homophobia characterize the history of the lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) community in the United States, and this remains true across active duty, Veteran, and civilian populations (Cahill, South, Spade, & National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 2000; Herek, 2007; Herek & Garnets, 2007; Willis, 2004). Historically, LGB individuals have been subjected to invasive psychiatric interventions, such as lobotomies, castration, and electroshock therapies, to treat their “deviant” behavior (Adams, 1995; Duberman, 1993). They have often been the targets of both legal and political harassment.
Decades of discrimination and harassment were finally brought to public awareness during the Stonewall riots of 1969, an event that marked the commencement of the gay liberation era (D’Emilio, 1983). This was the first documented event in which non-heterosexual individuals outwardly expressed their anger against law enforcement. In the years following the Stonewall riots, numerous gay activist organizations were established, including the Gay Liberation Front (GLF), the Gay Activists Alliance (GAA), the Society for Individual Rights (SIR), and the National Gay Task Force ([NGTF] Adam, 1995). Unfortunately, the human rights movement of the 1970s was met with the resurrection of anti-gay political views of the 1980s. These views, driven by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, were influenced by dogmatic religious principles (Adam, 1995). In 1986, the gay liberation movement suffered yet another setback after the Supreme Court ruling of Bowers v. Hardwick, in which the Supreme Court upheld the statute declaring it legal for the state to regulate private sexual behavior among its citizens. It was not until 2003, during the Supreme Court ruling of Lawrence v. Texas that sodomy laws were ruled unconstitutional (Herek, 2007).
LGB Individuals and the Field of Psychology
Same-sex attraction has been pathologized in the field of psychology throughout most of the 20th century. As early as 1905, Sigmund Freud, in Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, argued that normal sexual development would result in heterosexuality; thereby asserting that homosexuality is an illness (Herek & Garnets, 2007; Freud, 1905). Given that psychoanalysis was the dominant perspective in psychiatry throughout the mid-20th century, it is not surprising that the psychological theories were inundated with homophobic bias and the notion of homosexuality as pathological continued to permeate the field (Herek & Garnets, 2007; Robertson, 2004). Following the Freudian perspective of homosexuality, Irving Bieber and Charles Socarides, the most prominent experts on same-sex attraction during the 1960s, contended that homosexuality was a mental illness, attributing the cause to dysfunctional family dynamics (Kauth, 2006). The pathological view of same-sex attraction was further supported by the guidelines in the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-I, American Psychiatric Association, 1952). The DSM-I classified homosexuality as a “sociopathic personality disturbance” (APA, 1952, p. 38-39) along with substance abuse and sexual disorders, portraying non-heterosexual persons as possessing profound character deficiencies.
Subsequent efforts to eradicate the perception of same-sex attraction as an illness by gay-affirmative clinicians, such as Alfred Kinsey, Evelyn Hooker, and Wardell Pomeroy (Hooker, 1957; Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Robertson, 2004), the DSM-II, published in 1968, classified homosexuality as a sexual deviance clustered with fetishism, pedophilia, transvestitism, exhibitionism, voyeurism, sadism, and masochism (APA, 1968). Despite the efforts of these gay-affirmative clinicians, the 1970s was a decade characterized by treatment interventions focusing on the “cure” of same-sex attraction, utilizing treatment modalities such as covert sensitization, aversion therapy, electroshock therapy, drug and hormone injections, and electroconvulsive therapy (Callahan & Leitenberg, 1973; Robertson, 2004). Overall, research remained focused on the view of homosexuality as pathological and interventions were centered on treatment and prevention (Morin, 1977). Finally, in 1973, the APA Board of Directors voted to remove homosexuality from the DSM-II (Drescher, 2010; Herek & Garnets, 2007). Even still, the APA Position Statement was one of unenthusiastic support, stating: “…by no longer listing it as a psychiatric disorder we are not saying that it is ‘normal’ or as valuable as heterosexuality…” (APA, 1973, p. 2).
By 1980, the DSM-III introduced a new diagnosis of Ego-Dystonic Homosexuality, which replaced the previous categorization of Homosexuality as a sexual deviance (APA, 1980). Finally, the diagnosis was removed in the revised edition of the DSM-III and replaced with a diagnosis of Sexual Disorder Not Otherwise Specified (APA, 1987). This signified the movement towards a field that embraced affirmative therapies.
In the second part of this blog, coming soon, I will cover LGB individuals and the military.
Staff Perspective: LGB History in Psychology and the Military (Part 2)
Sharon Birman, Psy.D., is a CBT trainer working with the Military Training Programs at the Center for Deployment Psychology (CDP) at the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences in Bethesda, Maryland.
REFERENCES
Adam, B. D. (1995). The rise of a gay and lesbian movement (Rev. ed.). New York, NY: Twayne.
Alford, B. & Lee, S.J. (2016). Toward complete inclusion: lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender military service members after repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. National Association of Social Workers. doi: 10.1093/sw/sww033
American Psychiatric Association. (1952). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders. Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychiatric Association. (1968). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (2nd ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychiatric Association. (1973). Homosexuality and sexual orientation disturbance: Proposed change in DSM-II (retired). Retrieved from www.psychiatryonline.com/DSMPDF/DSM-II_Homosexuality _Revision.pdf
American Psychiatric Association. (1980). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychiatric Association. (1987). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd ed., rev.). Washington, DC: Author.
Badgett, M. V. L. (1995). The wage effects of sexual orientation discrimination. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 48(4), 726-739. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2524353
Cahill, S., South, K., Spade, J., & National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. (2000). Outing age: Public policy issues affecting gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender elders. Washington, DC: Policy Institute of the National Gay and Lesbian Taskforce. Retrieved from http://www.thetaskforce.org/reports_and _research/outing_age
Callahan, E., & Leitenberg, H. (1973). Aversion therapy for sexual deviation: Contingent shock and covert sensitization. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 81(1), 60-73. doi:10.1037/h0034025
Cochran, S. D., Mays, V. M., & Sullivan, J. G. (2003). Prevalence of mental disorders, psychological distress, and mental health services use among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in the United States. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 71(1), 53-61. doi:10.1037/0022-006X.71.1.53
D’Emilio, J. (1983). Sexual politics, sexual communities: The making of a homosexual minority in the United States, 1940-1970 (2nd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Don’t Ask , Don’t Tell Repeal Act of 2010 (2010). Pub L. No 111-321, 124 Stat. 3513.
Drescher, J. (2010). Queer diagnoses: Parallels and contrasts in the history of homosexuality, gender variance, and the diagnostic and statistical manual. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 39(2), 427-460. doi:10.1007/s10508-009-9531-5
Duberman, M. B. (1993). Stonewall. New York, NY: Dutton.
Freud, S. (1905). Three essays on the theory of sexuality. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud, Volume VII (1901-1905): A case of hysteria, three essays on sexuality and other works (pp. 123-246). London, England: Imago.
Gay and Lesbian Medical Association. (n.d.) Creating a safe clinical environment for lesbian, gay. Bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) patients. Retrieved from http://www.glma.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=contentSearch.veritySearch&nodeID=1
Goldbach, J. T., & Castro, C. A. (2016). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) service members: Life after Don’t ask, Don’t tell. Current Psychiatry Reports, 18(6), 1-7. doi:10.1007/s11920-016-0695-0
Herek, G. (1990). The context of anti-gay violence: Notes on cultural and psychological heterosexism. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 5(3), 316-333. doi:10.1177/088626090005003006
Herek, G. (1992). The social context of hate crimes: Notes on cultural heterosexism. In K. Berrill & G. Herek (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men (pp. 89-104). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Herek, G. (2007). Confronting sexual stigma and prejudice: Theory and practice. Journal of Social Issues, 63(4), 905-925. doi: 10.1111/j.1540-4560.2007.00544.x
Herek, G., & Garnets, L. (2007). Sexual orientation and mental health. Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, 3, 353-375. doi:10.1146/annurev.clinpsy.3.022806.091510
Hooker, E. (1957). The adjustment of the male overt homosexual. Journal of Projective Techniques, 21, 1, 18-31. doi: 10.1080/08853126.1957.10380742
Johnson, W., Rosenstein, J., Buhrke, R., & Haldeman, D. (2015). After "don't ask don't tell": Competent care of lesbian, gay and bisexual military personnel during the DoD policy transition. Professional Psychology-Research and Practice, 46(2), 107-115. doi:10.1037/a0033051
Jones, F.D. & Koshes, R.J. (1995). Homosexuality and the military. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 152, 16-21.
Kamarck, K.N. (2016). Diversity, inclusion and equal opportunity in the armed services: Background and issues for congress. Congressional Research Service. Retrieved from: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R44321.pdf
Kauth M. R. (2006). Sexual orientation and identity. In R. D. McAnulty & M. M. Burnette (Eds.), Sex and sexuality (pp. 153- 184). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., & Martin, C. E. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male. Philadelphia, PA: W.B. Saunders.
Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129(5), 674-697. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.674
Ministrial Advisory Committee on Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Health and Wellbeing, Department of Mental Health. (2009). Well Proud: A guide to gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex inclusive practice for health and human services. Retrieved from http://www.glhv.org.au/files/WellProud_updated2011.pdf
Morin, S. (1977). Heterosexual bias in psychological research on lesbianism and male homosexuality. American Psychologist, 32(8), 629-637. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.32.8.629.
Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness. (2016). DoD Instruction 1300.28: In-Service transition for transgender service members. Retrieved from: http://www.defense.gov/Portals/1/features/2016/0616_policy/DoD-Instructi...
Pachankis, J., & Goldfried, M. (2004). Clinical issues in working with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, Training, 41(3), 227-246. doi:10.1037/0033-3204.41.3.227
Robertson, P. K. (2004). The historical effects of depathologizing homosexuality on the practice of counseling. The Family Journal, 12(2), 163-169. doi:10.1177/1066480703261976
Walker, J. A., & Prince, T. (2010). Training considerations and suggested counseling interventions for LGBT individuals. Journal of LGBT Issues in Counseling, 4(1), 2-17. doi: 10.1080/15538600903552756
Willis, D. (2004). Hate crimes against gay males: An overview. Issues in Mental
Health Nursing, 25(2), 115-132. doi:10.1080/01612840490268090